Furthermore, its social model is perceived positively by the majority of its inhabitants, who generally consider it to be egalitarian. Nevertheless, the founding principles of our republican model could do with being adapted to reflect the changes that have transformed our society and social relations, and altered our relationship with politics and institutions. Economic and cultural globalisation, the construction of Europe and profound demographic changes have resulted in a more complex society, generated fears and created new aspirations.
Whilst they are certainly coming up against increasing resistance, persistent social and territorial inequalities, as well as discrimination relating to gender, sexual orientation and origin, are fuelling a feeling of injustice and
reduced social cohesion. Furthermore, multiple individual and collective affiliations and identities are emerging, representing both a sign of freedom for some and of uncertainty for others.
Ultimately, involvement in public life is no longer limited to the vote and to support for representative democracy, since other forms of civic involvement are also now emerging. It is important, then, that such changes be supported in a way that helps combat this loss of trust in inst i tut ions (government , local authorities, schools, etc.) and in private stakeholders, such as companies. The aim is to eventually guarantee the support of all citizens for a joint project, drawing on the merits and expertise of each individual. The republican model, without any shadow of a doubt, boasts the resources required to adapt to this society with its multiple components and expectations, an adaptation that should go hand in hand with the improvement of our social model (see note entitled ‘Which social model will France be implementing in 10 years’ time?’).
Blandine Barreau, Nicolas Charles, Julien Damon, Annick Guilloux, Marie-Cécile Naves, Mathilde Reunaudi